the revolution is a free-enterprise zone (the politics of capitalism)

"These new forms of advertising and consumption do not deny politics; they simply reappropriate it." ­ Henry Giroux

But the propaganda insists that Unamerican is more than a company -- it's a glorious political vision, a platform of revolutionary awareness, uniting people with "half a brain." Unamerican wants you to take its political agenda seriously, so I did. I wasn't impressed.

Unamerican announced in the winter of 98-99 a "poverty sucks" crusade, waged in the name of the homeless. For those looking for a complex analysis of the increasing economic disparity in San Francisco, look elsewhere. Kumar is "PROUD that our city has made such progress," what with the boom in information tech industries in nearby Silicon Valley. Kumar is, however, "sad to report that very little of the progress has trickled down to the lower classes." (All "poverty sucks" quotes taken from the accompanying manifesto penned by Kumar. It might or might not still be at the Unamerican website.)

But Unamerican wants to help. Plotting to hand out 6,500 "poverty sucks" stickers to homeless in the City, Unamerican proposes to magnanimously give them a voice with which to denounce their condition. Of course, Kumar "quickly realized" that Unamerican shouldn't reap a profit ­ reason one stated being "the logistics of collecting money from the homeless are simply beyond me." Calling it charity, Kumar suggests that the homeless sell Unamerican's product in order to earn a little Christmas cash.

Still, charity is not without its perks. Free advertising and advantageous product placement, for instance; all relevant catalog information is listed beneath the slogan "poverty sucks." (Not only can you help out your neighborhood homeless with your generous purchase, but discover that consumption can free you, too!) And that nasty ulterior motive lurks -- in the Unamerican press release Kumar goes so far as to brag that "even the HOMELESS sell our stickers." Not just completely tacky, it also trivializes the conditions of poverty Unamerican claims to collectively lose sleep over, which might explain the sticker "no change sorry."

What escapes entirely from the Unamerican analysis is the detrimental cost of "progress" upon the City. It's no accident that economic growth and an army of Valley employees -­flush with cash and stock options-- heralds nothing but bad news for poor and working-class populations. Over the past 20 years, the systematic elimination of affordable housing and a skyrocketing cost-of-living in the City have increased the levels of poor and homelessness. Tim Redmond in the San Francisco Bay Guardian notes that "[in] the 1970s, tens of thousands of cheap single-room-occupancy hotel rooms disappeared in the name of urban renewal.In the 1980s and 1990s, tens of thousands of cheap family apartments disappeared to make room for yuppie condos and newly rich Silicon Implants." (Psst, Unamerican, it's called gentrification.) Mayor Willie Brown suggests that the poor just move if they can't afford the City, and meanwhile homeless shelters are torn down so parking lots for baseball stadiums can go up.

And yet homelessness just happens in the Unamerican universe, without cause or context, even while Kumar blithely praises the economic wealth that simultaneously feeds that urban poverty. He even revives the slippery pseudo-economic hypothesis that increased wealth at the top will trickle down to the lower classes , reaching way down into the "reaganomics" bag of tricks to avoid questions of class complicity and structural inequalities.

The lack of analysis is problematic in light of the fact that the company claims to have an anticapitalist agenda, but typical. A crucial plank in the Unamerican anarchist platform is in the advocacy of free enterprise, a form of capitalism that supposedly will destroy capitalism. And no, it doesn't make much sense, but apparently Unamerican is the model for just such a revolution.

As a kind of libertarianism or anarcho-capitalism, Kumar contends that free enterprise will "compete the capitalists into the ground." (Following quotes taken from the "fuck work" manifesto.) His reasoning is vague at best, shot through with mile-wide holes at worst. Narrowly defining free enterprise as "a philosophy that holds that you or I or any combination of people can gather up some resources and start a new business," Kumar writes that "believing in FREEDOM includes believing in this inalienable right."

Furthermore, he believes this abstract (and bourgeois) "freedom" to engage in free enterprise is both empowering and "the wave of the future," "the surest way of re-booting America to re-empower its citizens to meet the challenges of the networked world." Nevermind how much that reads like ad copy for a telecommunications multinational -- which it does. It also reflects the mythic hyper-individualism that characterizes both American capitlaism and U.S. national identity. Kumar's fervent belief in free enterprise sounds an awful lot like the patriotic rhetoric of both.

But Unamerican doesn't want you to realize that.

Free enterprise, of course, is a lot more than a couple of friends getting together and starting a little business. And never mind for now the obvious class-specific question of where these pals might get their resources or how they might have access to this capital.

Free enterprise is also the mating call of transnational corporations, Republicans, and CEOs; economic theory defines free enterprise as the "pure" application of capitalist activity without state regulation or restriction. Even "common sense" ideology interprets free enterprise as the "freedom" to make a buck when and where you can. It's the creature that spawned merger-monopolies and Free Trade Zones, those neocolonial encounters complete with paramilitaries patrolling the fenced enclosures of the factories. The "free" in free enterprise is relative to your level of privilege. I'm not arguing that Unamerican consciously endorses, say, the exploitation of Mexican factory (maquiladora) workers; the point is, for an operation that makes some high-falutin' claims to a radical whatever, they haven't done a whole lot of homework before putting their product ­and politics- on the market.

Bad homework is the key phrase. What else do you call it when Unamerican argues that stickers are an ideal medium of democracy because you "can choose where to put 'em"? (Needless to say, practical democracy is more complicated than that.) Capitalism is a complex formation with not only economic but political and ideological implications. It is a social logic that not only overdetermines our institutions but our human relations, even the language we use. The Unamerican analysis of capitalism is a two-dimensional caricature of faceless corporations imposing boredom and uniformity, a monolithic bogeyman. It makes for a safe, convenient Enemy, exemplified by a few Big Bad Guys from which Unamerican can distance themselves with a sigh of relief.

But let's play along and follow the Unamerican argument about capitalism. The "fuck work" manifesto suggests that because profit ­not innovation-- drives most businesses, they become willing to trade on "mediocre ideas" and hierarchical bureaucracy in order to eliminate competition. After all, as Kumar explains, "The ultimate goal of capitalism is monopoly, which can only be achieved by squashing all competition." But wait, his idea of "fighting back" consists of starting more private businesses and competing "the capitalists into the ground."

This is accomplished with the successful marketing of "new ideas" that will, uh, squash all competition with a net result of more profit, more customers, and more consumption. How that differentiates the free enterprise "radicals" from the "evil" capitalists is far, far beyond me. But apparently, this is part of Kumar's mission to redefine the negative meanings of "free enterprise" ­ he says, the same way "queer" was reclaimed by queer activists to signal a radical politics. Of course, "queer" was a derogatory term, redefined in the midst of the AIDS crisis to combat institutional homophobias and refuse the shame. I have a hard time feeling sorry for those wealthy free-trade industrialists, go figure.

But according to Kumar, all this entrepreneurial activity will destroy capitalism, re-vitalize the nation and yet nurture a revolution. Talk about perennial American mythologies! How individual and private business ventures will actually address the structural inequalities engendered by capitalism -­in cahoots with regulatory logics of gender, race, heteronormativity, and even nationalism-- is left unsaid. Meanwhile the paradox -­how exactly does a "bad" capitalism recuperate itself with a big white hat or better, mohawk-- slips by, unseen. After all, entrepreneurial activity is the foundation of capitalist expansion, and it's a premise of market capitalism that everything and anything (apparently also revolution) can be exchanged for a price -- apparently also revolution.

What's so transgressive about that? Unamerican offers an analysis that hardly begins to scratch the surface of economic disparity. It also assumes a certain degree of material privilege ­ "fuck work" (especially in the form of wage labor) is hardly a viable option for most, and its tedium not the worst part. Work is not just alienating, it is often back-breaking, insecure, and poorly paid. But "fuck work and start your own business" is hardly a revolutionary answer to the more oppressive aspects of work. (Do you really think the sixty year-old Filipino janitor at the mall can quit and set up up his own Internet enterprise?) And what about solidarity? Call me old-fashioned, but rather than ditching out I'd rather see people organize for better work conditions, wages, and a social safety net.

In fact, the Unamerican model of social change smacks of "compassionate conservatism," favorite philosophy of the junior Bush, in which free enterprise is once again poised to save the day, and America. Unamerican's "poverty sucks" campaign hardly strays from this conservative social politic, avoiding causal structural analysis -­especially if you don't count The Man as adequate explanation. Instead, both Unamerican and so-called "compassionate conservatives" substitute "intentional individual goodwill for the nation-state's commitment to fostering democracy." (Berlant) It's a fantasy of civic duty that is principally available to "good" people with good money, whether it's investing in poor communities (with the promise of a return on that investment) or starting up those businesses that will eventually topple capitalism (with those higher profit margins).

Think about it. The assumed audience to whom Unamerican addresses its suggestions is class-specific, one with the resources and the capital to start businesses (especially ones that can somehow out-compete existing corporations!) and re-write company policies. When asked exactly what he expects "extreme youth" to do in order to "fuck work" and start their revolutionary small businesses, Kumar replies, "save [money]....if you're smarter and can take a risk, why not quit and let those [other] people have those jobs?" (Apparently, "smarter" is the same as "richer.") For those whose monthly expenses (including rent, bills, loans, mortgages, groceries) prevent such entrepreneurial measures, you're left with the advice to "be creative." What Unamerican might have to say about disastrous rates of unemployment and metropolitan and rural poverty is probably simply that it "sucks." With a vague, piecemeal response of individual entrepreneurship, Unamerican volunteers no analysis of these structural inequalities, and certainly offfers no structural or collective solutions.

So it's not surprising that company ad copy also fails to address those powerful logics of social regulation like racisms, gender or heteronormativity. (Unless "racism is typical" or "punk rock girl" really breaks down your walls.) In fact, Kumar thinks race is boring. In an interview with Stir, an on-line Asian American magazine , Kumar says, "I mean, the more you talk about race, the less far you get with actual substantial change in people's lives. I am trying to craft the revolution for all people."

Of course, "all people" are not all equal, and any abstract claim to the contrary is a lie. Race continues to be a defining (and oppressive) condition of disenfranchisement and alienation in many people's lives. I'd be forced to wonder about racially-motivated hate crimes, urban underdevelopment, police brutality, anti-immigrant legislation, and all those nasty stereotypes about welfare queens, wetbacks, Chink spies, and dead Indians. How do we talk about these, and how do we agitate for social change, without talking about race?

The sweeping dismissal of so many political struggles stunning, but hardly a surprise. Kumar's inability to comprehend "race" as a system of domination is typical of the liberal vagueness of company politics. (That is, Unamerican will sell you stickers that read, "destroy the racist infrastructure," even though "race" is boring.) I mean, if he can't recognize the role of the State or Silicon Valley when speaking of homelessness and poverty in the City, why should he catch on when the dynamics are subtler?

At the same time, Unamerican feeds a fashionably apolitical irony that avoids complicity with ­or attachment to- any of the politics expressed (if any are). "Whitey will pay" surfaces on office computer monitors and across the chests of hipster white boys because it's decidedly not threatening, commercially retailed alongside "dope smoking moron." Without social context or consequence, a volatile history of severe oppression is (again) disappeared and the desire for justice reduced to (bad) kitsch.

The "inalienable right" to free enterprise ­-Unamerican's central political platform-- ducks the question of power and hegemony, reproducing the "ideology of unimpaired entrepreneurial activity that was sanctified as free-market patriotism during and after the Reagan regime." (Berlant) Never mind the bourgeois business bravado -- once we take in account relations of class, "race" and nation, the abstract promise of free enterprise and (Un)American Dreams falls flat.

 

Next page, please. Managing unity and the soft (not) sell.


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this piece was published in maximumrocknroll (198). this is part two.