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November 19, 2001, 2:59 p.m.

From the first part of my MRR review of The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid, edited by Roane Carey .

In his essay "Theses on the Philosophy of History," Walter Benjamin wrote, "The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the 'state of emergency' in which we live is not the exception but the rule. We must attain to a conception of history that is in keeping with this insight. Then we shall clearly realize that it is our task to bring about a real state of emergency." When Benjamin urged his cohort of critical leftist intellectuals to generate a crisis of political contest, he was responding to the outrages of fascism in the early part of the twentieth century but also to the violence of what Lauren Berlant calls "hygienic governmentality." She describes this as, "a ruling bloc's dramatic attempt to maintain its hegemony by asserting that an abject population threatens the common good and must be rigorously governed and monitored by all sectors of society." She continues:

Especially horrifying are the ways the ruling bloc solicits mass support for such "governing": by using abjected populations as exemplary of all obstacles to national life; by wielding images and narratives of a threatened "good life" that a putative "we" have known; by promising relief from the struggles of the present through a felicitous image of a national future; and by claiming that, because the stability of the core image is the foundation of the narratives that characterize an intimate and secure national society, the nation must at all costs protect this image of a way of life, even against the happiness of some of its own citizens.

In the aftermath of September 11, these means of maintaining and disciplining the US populace are perhaps more obvious (and more entrenched), but they also reveal that the state of emergency --not this crisis of America "under attack" but the hegemony of state violence against its citizens and non-citizens-- has been with us for many years. The apparatuses of national culture mobilizes the comic-book politics of George W. Bush to manufacture a set of "core national values" and an "appropriate" response -- "America Under Attack," "America Strikes Back," "America: Open For Business." The imagined innocence of US citizens prior to the attacks and the "American way of life" are cited as victims in this war, never mind that many have never experienced America as a land of plenty, or a place of liberty -- and that in this period of recession, continued racism, and reduced rights, many fewer will. That such representations --of America, of Arabs and Muslims, of "bravery," of the nature of democracy-- go unchallenged even as Congress passes retroactive tax cuts for multinationals, the Bush administration rejects an International Criminal Court and the Justice Department undermines the Constitutional rights of citizens is the ongoing crisis. This state of emergency and these conditions are not an aberration but the foundation of the U.S. nation-state and its domestic and foreign policy.