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September 11, 2001, 11:31 p.m.

Have you been watching the news? All of the "tricks" outlined by Herman below are being mobilized. I suggest keeping these in mind while monitoring the media in the next few days or weeks. It really is quite frightening.

As stunned as we are about the loss of so many lives (it still feels surreal), Mark and I couldn't take anymore posturing from various administration officials calling for immediate military reprisals (which would no doubt involve civilian casualities on "the other side" which would be classified as "collatoral damage") and invoking a binaristic world-view of good versus evil, of swift, devastating, Old Testament vengeance. The U.S. adminstration will pursue their program of retaliation and no doubt the results will be almost as spectacular as today's events.

We couldn't take anymore talking heads and looped video footage, so we watched Serpico and Carrie instead.

1:48 p.m.

Because the Bush administration promises to "hunt down and punish" those responsible for the destruction of the World Trade Center (NYC), the damage to the Pentagon (WDC), and the attack on "freedom itself" as imaginatively embodied by the United States of America, and because there is an increasing mainstream media interest and (so far unfounded) speculation about the possible involvement of a variety of Middle Eastern extra-national organizations, I wanted to post this extensive excerpt from Edward Herman's essay "Terrorisms: Misrepresentations of Power" (1992).

I'm frankly worried about the will to retribution; the indistinct (but politically expedient) line between terrorism and acts of war or "reprisal;" the hypocrisy of the expression of outrage on behalf of "innocent life" in light of the history of U.S. foreign policy; the figure of the "Arab terrorist" being summarily inscribed on all bodies even vaguely resembling an "Arab" countenance; et cetera. Clearly the loss of human life is tragic. However, there are all kinds of political machinations and ideological imperatives being mobilized in this historical moment (not the least of them by the administration and the media) and it bears attending to some of these closely.

This excerpt, from Violent Persuasions: The Politics and Imagery of Terrorism, edited by David J. Brown and Robert Merill and published in 1992, follows below.

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How can the country that organized and funded the Nicaraguan contras and supplied them with a terrorism handbook, called Psychological Operations in Guerilla Warfare, and that for many years financed and trained the Salvadoran and Guatemalan armies that engaged in large-scale civilian murder get itself represented as a victim of terrorism and deeply concerned with the struggle against terrorism? This obviously demands a potent system of images and semantics, but it also depends upon the existence of a cooperative and powerful base of institutions that will put the images and semantics across the the general public.

Basically, what is required for suitably biased representation is that the cultural apparatus centering in the mass media accept and transmit a system of patriot premises, semantics, and filtered information that always puts us in a good light and villainizes our enemies. A main premise in regular use has been that we are always well intended, trying to foster democracy and responding only to "threats." If we are always benevolent, then we can only be victims, never terrorists or sponsors of terrorists. This was swallowed by the press even as regards Nicaragua, where we supposed Somoza family rule for forty-five years and became allegedly interested in democracy only when a non-elite and independent government took power in 1979.

In the semantics of terrorism, four major devices have been employed. One is to define terrorism so as to exclude states, allowing a focus on the terrorism of dissidents and rebels. This deflects attention from the kind of terrorism perpetrated on a large scale by our clients, like Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, and Guatemala....[But] state terrorism is excluded from the terrorism category in Western usage and propaganda because it is politically inconvenient.

Once you start talking about state terrorism, you are talking about really large numbers and therefore our government has decided not to call this terrorism. They insist that terrorism refers only to the actions of someone such as Abu Nidal or a group such as the Red Brigades. If any name at all is given to the policies of murder, disappearance, torture, illegal arrest or imprisonment, police brutality, bombing, and more that are practiced by the governments of friendly nations like El Salvador, Israel, South Africa, Brazil, and many more, it is "counterterrorism." These policies are allegedly carried out in response to the terrorism of some other individual or group.

Thus, the second semantic trick is differentiating terrorism from retaliation. Suppose you say that everything you do is "retaliation" against something someone else has done, whereas anything done to you is autonomous terrorism based on no genuine grievance or true provocation. You are always retaliating for someone else's violence, and they are always attacking you for no good reason, This also makes your actions a matter of "self-defense," and self-defense is accepted generally as an unassailable excuse.

[This can also take the form of so-called "pre-emptive" strikes. --M.]

A third semantic device has been to use the concept of "international terrorism," i.e., cross-border attacks by non-state terrorists. This allows the selective inclusion of states as terrorists, as they can be labeled "sponsors" of "international terrorists." Thus Qaddafi can be brought in as a "sponsor" of Abu Nidal. Of course, South Africa sponsors Renamo in Mozambique and Israel sponsors the South Lebanese Army, and the United States sponsored the contras in Nicaragua and the Mujahadeen in Afghanistan, but I have never seen a mainstream publication describe these last cases as sponsorship of international terrorism.

This brings us to the fourth and pivotal trick: selective attention and indignation. Great attention and much indignation is given to Qaddafi's sponsorship of terrorism across borders, but U.S. Israeli, and South African sponsorship is treated in a low key or ignored altogether by the cultural institutions, as if such actions don't fit the category.

[Thus the millions of civilians classified as legitimate military targets in Nagasaki and Hiroshima are not usually counted as innocent victims of "terrorism," and U.S. covert operations and support for, say, the Pinochet regime in Chile, which murdered and "disappeared" thousands, are not seen as sponsorship of international terrorism. --M.]

11:03 a.m.

Callers to a C-SPAN call-in show are warning, "Anyone who looks different, better watch out," voicing veiled and obvious, blatant threats. Someone else reports calls to expel or "beat to death" all Arabs (and those who look vaguely Arabic, no doubt). In conversations on the bus, a friend overheard people calling for "another Hiroshima" against the Palestinians (presumably the massacre of certain  civilian populations is permissible in her world-view), although there is as yet no clear evidence to support the belief that the PLO or any other Middle Eastern organization or government is responsible. And once again the major network media are assuming that the attacks are of Arabic or Islamic origin. Oklahoma City is being referenced without any mention of McVeigh, domestic terrorist groups or U.S. rightwing militias. There is much talk about "freedom and democracy under fire," and no mention of the regular bombing attacks (currently in Iraq) perpetrated by the U.S. military nor its own dense history of invasions and covert operations in other nations.