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February 24,
2001, 11:23 p.m. || it won't hurt when i stumble to sleep
reading: Wendy Brown, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late
Modernity, Allucquere Rosanne Stone, The War of Desire
and Technology at the close of the Machanical Age
Reminders to self -- Send 20 Slanders to
Pander, 20 Race Riots to Wooden Shoe in Philly and 15
to Stickfigure in Atlanta. Finish draft of position paper by next
Saturday, to start on conference presentation version of said paper.
Write half-hour lecture for section about the politics of eugenics and
sterilization abuse in the United States (note continued forced
sterilization thirty-five years after Nuremberg Codes are passed). Call
A to make an appointment with E about setting an orals date. Ditch
Monday meeting with K to avoid mooching. Wash dirty shorn hair. Meet M
on Tuesday for orals schedule. Go to Maximumrocknroll meeting
Sunday night, set VCR for Mulder's return on X-Files. Go to
more midnight shows organized by the secret East Bay underground of rep
theater punks. Write "things to do" down before forgetting to avoid late-minute attempt to
organize, like this.
10:54 p.m.
This is the total
cheater entry in which some comments I've made previously were recycled
into this month's Punk Planet column, which is now being recycled as an
entry here, just to get me back in the swing of things. God
knows I never remember what I've written before anyway. And that
makes three Punk Planet columns I need to upload here, by the way.
Ach. Oh, and Mark bought me a new set of Rapidographs, so many I'll
even get around to inking me a website girl mascot.
The posters went up a year ago, wheatpasted onto street
corner electrical boxes and the glass facades of what used to be
the Walgreen's. They caught my wandering eye, though they blended
with handbills for new albums and dot coms. It must have been the
word "sweatshop," printed boldly across an otherwise familiar ad
aesthetic. In one version an uncomfortable-looking white boy wears corduroys,
a sweatshirt and a fleece sleeveless vest. Like an anatomical
illustration his body is marked with arrows and explanations comparing retail
prices to low wages, contrasting status-conscious leisure against
sweatshop labor. In the other Chie Abad, a former sweatshop worker, wears
a citrus-colored fleece vest and a determined stare. "Ask GAP to
pay workers a living wage and treat them with dignity...Everybody hates
sweatshops."
The commodity fetish (courtesy of Marx) describes the affective,
magical process by which a product of labor is transformed and
accumulates value in excess of its use; it is what makes a Nike tee
shirt a status symbol (for some) over a plain one. We attach all kinds
of meanings to our commodities and what usually disappears is the labor
itself, and the conditions of that labor. The Global Exchange poster
series and the broader North American anti-sweatshop movement endeavor
to render visible those conditions -fifteen-hour workdays, poverty-level
wages, et cetera-- to force a confrontation between potential consumer
and the reality of production.
So when I first studied the posters, I thought,
That's smart .
But I'm mindful of another flyer in a different store window. The
KPFA crafts fair poster (the local Bay Area Pacifica radio station)
featured a color photograph of the bent back of faceless South American
"peasant," his poverty and social position visually signified by the
bright, woven poncho and a canvas sack slung heavily over one shoulder.
Presumably the crafts fair offered the chance to purchase the products
of his labor - his non-industrialized, labor-intensive work easily
crossing national borders (which, you might imagine, he cannot) and made
available for sale.
No doubt the progressive radio station would rally behind any
anti-sweatshop cause. But does visibility necessarily equal political
power or social justice? What does it mean to make the fact of labor not
only hypervisible - but part of the imagined charm of the thing?
Images of sweatshop workers in are increasingly
a part of the political landscape. They are an integral component of
anti-sweatshop material; they fill the pages of newspapers and
newsletters with bent heads and backs, threading needles or sorting
tags. The iconography usually involves picturing rows of unnamed women
in industrial factories or second-story warehouses; a part of the
anti-sweatshop agenda is emphasized in the disciplinary sight of humans
as machines. [ed. -- Which can get really problematic in a whole
different way, but that's another entry.] But images
of the "fair trade" or "crafts" worker have entered popular circulation
as well, as an imagined alternative source of goods with a boutique
flare.
Anita Ruddick, the founder of the Body Shop and avid proponent of
"Trade Not Aid," features photographs of herself smiling in khakis,
embracing her Third World workers in American Express commercials, her
autobiography and store displays - a white woman on safari. In the
one-dollar brochure I bought at the counter of the "fair trade" shop run
by Global Exchange, the craftspeople are also bent over their
workstations and foot-treadle machines - less high-tech, perhaps, but
nevertheless hard at work producing luxury goods for a First World
market. A photograph is captioned, "At Archana Handicrafts in
mountainous Srinagar, India, traditional artisans battle severe Kashmir
winters, supply shortages and political instability to create
paper-mache designs that will appeal to North American shoppers."
I imagine the pictured man at a bench, hands sore from cradling the
paintbrush and working in delicate, calculated strokes, in a room with
others doing the same. Perhaps it is well lit and comfortable, but I
wouldn't know for certain because my vision is crowded with the
afterimages of professional publicity photographs. I suspect that the
reason why the photos featured in the Fair Trade Association brochure
focus only on individuals is to lessen the effect of a less romantic
factory atmosphere--?
In North Berkeley (a relatively wealthy and white neighborhood) there
are a number of shops featuring an overwhelming amount of goods for sale
made by Tibetans: mirrored handbags, prayer flags, long-sleeved shirts.
In one boutique, looking for evidence, Chandra brings me a straw basket,
filled with loosely-tied bundles of Tibetan twisted rope incense. The
card reads, "$3.50, made by refugees." We roll our eyes. Some part of
the appeal of these commodities has to do with the lack of industrial
evidence - against the mass-produced goods of most sweatshop labor, the
idea of a hand-crafted item is also a marker of "taste" and class
distinction. But this card is the extra touch, the brief assurance that
these were "made by refugees." The item accumulates value not because of
anything intrinsic to rope incense but because of the conditions of
production - i.e., the suffering and dire political and social reality
signaled by the "made by refugees" label.
The tedium of their labor becomes a spectacle for postcards,
ethnographies, and National Geographic, and this has a long history. It
bears asking, who consumes photographs of others at hard labor --
tilling fields, welding car parts, et cetera? And how do you price
authenticity? Is it in the calluses, the worsening eyesight or muscle
spasms? In the specter of sweat dyed into the threads, mixed into the
resins, clays and paints? Those everyday working aspects that are
usually invisible-- that is, the material conditions of production and
the "faces" of labor-- lurking in the shadow of the commodity are made
visible, but what kind of visibility is this, that it becomes a kind of
commodity in and of itself, tales to trade around the coffee table or
cocktail party?